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  • jai_immigration
    04-28 10:53 AM
    I am planning to switch job, looking for a good attorney in New Jersey near Edison to help me with AC21, if any of you can refer a good economical lawyer, appreciate it.

    Also let me know how much does AC21 filing cost on a average (for both myself and spouse)


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  • leoindiano
    08-01 08:47 AM

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  • fasterthanlight�
    04-29 10:48 PM
    Do as the title suggests.

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  • bombaysardar
    08-23 04:24 PM
    IV Core - any thoughts on if we should bring this up in DC rally?

    Diversity Lottery ends in FY08. As a baby step, to offset this why dont we ask these numbers - 50,000 to be added to EB visa quota?
    I'm sure most senators will be agreeable to this - getting 50K immigrants with skills(in the future) vs 50K immigrants only


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  • natrajs
    08-13 10:23 PM
    My I - 140 was filed in TSC and approved and I-485 also sent to TSC

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  • file485
    01-09 09:39 AM

    please add in a feature where a member from here can invite their friends thru their email addresses....

    this is an easy way to have a larger no.of members which is crucial at this point of time...


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  • chandanmonu
    08-14 01:16 AM
    I have B1 visa and and right now I am in US on client support.

    I want to get into a College for further studies for which I am unaware of the legal formalities to be completed.

    I already have a letter of internship with a US company and the college is giving me a letter for change of status i-20.

    As far as the immigration goes for change of status of visa, it says that I need to go out of the country and then come back, with stamped as 'intent to study'. So is it really required?

    However still it is confusing for me as to what other formalities are to be completed regarding the same.

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  • Blog Feeds
    01-21 09:50 AM
    The National Foundation for American Policy has released a policy brief regarding the new GAO report on the H-1B program and notes that the GAO blows a torpedo through the common complaint that the H-1B program is just a way to bring in cheap guest workers. NFAP GAO H-1B report

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/01/nfap-gao-report-confirms-h-1b-workers-paid-as-much-as-comparable-americans.html)


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  • humsuplou
    06-10 07:26 PM
    So the procedure is suppose to be easy, and very low risk of not getting renewed?

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  • johnshoemaker
    03-16 10:46 PM
    If I were going to spend over a year in a country which required a visa to visit (such as Nigeria), in order to study the local culture, which kind of visa would I need to obtain before hand? Business, work, study, visitor, etc?


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  • humsuplou
    06-10 07:26 PM
    So the procedure is suppose to be easy, and very low risk of not getting renewed?

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  • sapanach
    02-24 03:49 PM
    HI ,
    i m really in trouble plz help me by giving suggesstion to my question.

    [B]I came to US on March 28th 2008 on H4 Visa and applied on March 29th for new H1B with COS for Oct 2008 quota. I see the h1b approval of I129 petition on Jun 2, 2008 WITH attached I-94 WITH IT. Till today I have not received approval notice from my employer and did not applied for SSN and has not started working for my employer. On contacting my employer they told I am still on H4 status and will be on H1B status only if I apply for SSN. Please verify if tht is correct.Also i dont have any paystubs uptil now.I need your help to understand my status right now in U.S and what is the right action to take now .

    My H4 stamp in passport is till Oct 10th 2009 and my husband is right now working on H1B status.

    Thanks again!!!!!!!!


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  • la_guy
    05-14 08:55 PM
    Did you move to a state, which comes under Nebraska Service Center? Hence your 485 application would have got moved to NSC.

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  • Macaca
    11-11 08:15 AM
    Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

    Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

    Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

    A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

    The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

    There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

    Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

    But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

    There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

    Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
    THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95


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  • iol_joh
    06-13 10:44 PM
    Since the priority dates advanced during the month of June, has anyone received approvals on their 485.

    PD: Sep 2001.
    485 filed: Feb 2004.
    Category: EB3

    I could not find any discussion related to this issue and hence started this thread. I apologize if I have started a duplicate thread.

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  • sandeepk_c
    10-19 05:12 PM
    I recently got a denial on my audited labor case after 2 years of wait. I had already applied my H1-B 8th year extn on the basis of my pending labor in premium mode. My luck was such that my labor was picked up and denied a day after the H1-B extn was filed.


    Since the basis of the H1-B extension was pending labor, I think USCIS will reject the extension unless I get lucky.

    If I appeal against the denial, is it possible to go back to USCIS to give the H1-B extension on that basis?

    DOL site says "standard appeals" is Aug 2007. Does this mean cases of 2007 or appeal filed in 2007 for an earlier denial?

    Reason for denial of labor:

    Company name was not filed in job advertisement
    Job location not specified in the ETA form.

    These seem too trivial but nevertheless they sent this in the denial.

    My company is looking into the paper work to determine that the above information was mentioned in the application?

    Your help/input is highly appreciated in this


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  • gimme_GC2006
    09-04 06:31 PM

    With only 3 weeks left in Sep 2008 (keeping in mind that my PD is current since Aug-01), I have decided to contact DHS Ombudsman and Congressman for help.

    But I dont know how to start.

    I read the posting from googler.

    Is that number provided still valid or is that fax number?
    Does any one know?

    Also, how do I go about contacting Congressman? I can look up their address but dont know how to make a first move? should I write to him directly or should I call his office and explain over phone?

    Any thoughts?

    All help will be very much appreciated.:)

    Note: For all peeps, who are going to say, "You cant write your own english letter?"..No..I dont...What I know better is write C++ code :D

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  • dil_ip3
    04-07 02:50 PM
    I am an employee in a TARP company and according to the company rules, I must be given a notice (of 2 months) before being Fired/laid off. I was hired on H1-B and the company has processed my I-140 and waiting on my priority date getting Current.

    My H1-B has to be extended now and the company's lawyers say they have not yet decided about their policy on H1-B extensions. It is expiring in the last week of this month and they have not filed yet nor they say they won't file.

    According to the rules, can they just say that they will not be filing my H1-B extension as the company policies have changed? But I am still an employee, and this way I will not be given my notice period. Any suggestions please.

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  • trivial science
    11-18 07:55 AM
    Hi there!!!

    03-16 01:09 AM

    Thanks for looking at my questions. I have an approved eb2 case with priority date 11/2007. I am waiting for eb2 India to become current for applying for EAD for my wife. She applied for medical residency and the programs she got calls for are sponsoring J1 visas only. I have a phd from US university and applying for EB1 OR through a semi conductor company anyway.

    I am in dilemma whether to apply for EAD for my wife or let her go on J1. J1 has implications later for medicine students but given the randomness of USCIS, I am never sure when eb2 date would be 11/2007 for eb2 485 or denial of eb1 or application.

    Please advise me over this dilemma.


    October 29th, 2004, 06:56 AM
    Hi, Cled. You got a good shadow in there, but it's opposing the direction of sunlight (note the flower's stamen which has a shadow coming towards the camera).

    The person appears to have been caught in "mid leap" although intended to be kneeling. I'm not sure how you'd really do something about that. Perhaps by making the shadow appear darker and less blurred near knees and shoes?

    As far as blending the person over the flower, looks good - no funny edges or outlines.

    H1B Program for 2008 [Archive] - Immigration Voice

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